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This data source allows researchers to take a detailed look at the voting preferences of Americans across a range of demographic traits and characteristics. It reaffirms many of the key findings about how different groups voted — and the composition of the electorate — that emerged from post-election analyses based on other surveys. Consistent with other analyses and past elections, race was strongly correlated with voting preference in But there are some differences as well.

Race and Voting in California

For instance, the wide educational divisions among white voters seen in other surveys are even more striking in these data. There also were large differences in voter preferences by gender, age and marital status. The gender gap was particularly large among validated voters younger than For a detailed breakdown of the composition of the electorate and voting preferences among a wide range of subgroups of voters, see Appendix.


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Voter choice and party affiliation were nearly synonymous. Similarly, voting was strongly correlated with ideological consistency, based on a scale composed of 10 political values — including opinions on race, homosexuality, the environment, foreign policy and the social safety net. As in previous elections, voters in were sharply divided along religious lines.

Within the Protestant tradition, voters were divided by race and evangelicalism. This, too, was very similar to the mainline Protestant split in As the pattern of the votes implies, the coalitions that supported the two major party nominees were very different demographically. These differences mirror the broad changes in the compositions of the two parties: The Republican and Democratic coalitions are more dissimilar demographically than at any point in the past two decades.

The data also provide a profile of voting-eligible nonvoters. Four-in-ten Americans who were eligible to vote did not do so in There are striking demographic differences between voters and nonvoters, and significant political differences as well. Compared with validated voters, nonvoters were more likely to be younger, less educated, less affluent and nonwhite. And nonvoters were much more Democratic.

Party affiliation among nonvoters skewed even more Democratic than did candidate preferences. Sixty percent of married men vote Republican, along with 55 percent of married women. Additionally, 53 percent of families with children younger than 18 identify as Republican. This focus on traditional family values may explain in part why only 23 percent of gay, lesbian or bisexual individuals identify as Republican. Financially, Republicans fare better than either Democrats or Independents, and tend to identify themselves as such.

Republicans also express a much higher level of satisfaction with their personal financial situation than either Democrats or Independents. Before the U.

General Election: This is the group that is LEAST likely to vote - Mirror Online

That number dropped to 61 percent in , but it is still significantly higher than the corresponding 52 percent of Independents and 49 percent of Democrats. Republicans have higher well-being than Democrats or Independents. A well-being survey looks at things like workplace perceptions, access to basic necessities and physical health.

On average, Republicans are more charitable financially and otherwise than either Democrats or Independents. Republicans also provide more volunteer hours and donate blood more frequently. Labor unions have had a rough transition in the modern U. Nationwide, unions have seen a significant decrease in their public support, although 64 percent of Americans still feel labor unions are necessary to protect the working person.

Among Republicans, however, only 43 percent view labor unions as necessary to protect the working person, and 54 percent actively disagree. The U. This compares with 61 percent of Independents and 82 percent of Democrats who view unions as necessary to protect the working person. Educationally, there are two main blocs of Republican voters: white working-class voters and white people with undergraduate degrees.

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White working-class voters are defined as white people who have received a high school diploma or have some college experience, but no degree. This group has fallen as a percentage of the overall vote by 15 percent between and , but continuously votes Republican at a point or more advantage. For the past several decades, Republicans have also won a larger percentage of votes from white voters with undergraduate degrees , although this support has been eroding over the past few election cycles, from an impressive point advantage in to a 4-point advantage in This could be due to more women graduating from college, or a genuine shift in the voting behaviors of the millennial generation.

Older voters, on average, skew Republican. This advantage is partially offset by the Democratic slant of younger voters, although older voters are more likely to vote.

The average Republican is 50, while the average Democrat is